The study presents a contextual study on public spaces and youth in three countries, Italy, Lebanon and Jordan. The study focuses on exploring the nature of space in target countries as a concept which is closely linked to social practice: space is always used as a means to achieve a certain objective. It aims to promote participation, ownership and involvement in political and cultural spaces, giving the opportunity to youngsters and to civic society organizations to act their ownership and agency in their world, it enhances cohesion, equality and peace.

“People create “public life” when they connect with each other in public spaces-streets, plazas, parks, and city spaces between buildings. Public life is about the everyday activities that people take part in when they spend time with each other outside of their homes, workplaces, and cars. “Jan Gehl (Project for Public Spaces [PPS])

LEBANON

In Lebanon, social connections are essential to everyday life, yet the places where people meet are largely private; homes, restaurants, malls, and beach resorts. This is largely due to a critical shortage of public spaces, driven by decades of unregulated urban expansion, a lack of urban planning, and limited awareness around the right to the city and the value of shared spaces. In cities like Beirut, where land is expensive and highly contested, real estate development has been prioritized over the creation of inclusive public areas.

Lebanon’s cities have witnessed a reckless process of urbanization in recent decades, which has come at the expense of both green public spaces and urban areas designed for pedestrians. In Greater Beirut, the proportion of public space has been rapidly shrinking. The real estate boom, combined with the absence of effective public regulations, has pushed green areas to the margins—often confined to vacant, neglected lots with no clear public function.

Since the late 1990s, malls have begun to fill this gap, emerging as substitutes for traditional public spaces. With their food courts, cinemas, and controlled environments, malls have become the de facto downtown for segments of the population, offering both entertainment and a sense of safety. The decline in accessible green space is especially stark. By 2015, green areas in Lebanon had decreased to less than 13% of total land. In Beirut, green space per capita is just 0.8 square meters—far below the World Health Organization’s recommendation of 9 square meters per person (UN-Habitat, 2016). In Lebanon; five interviews, three FGDs, and several site visits were conducted in Lebanon and Beirut to get youth perception toward public spaces.

JORDAN

Amman, where 41% of Jordan’s youth reside, is a city shaped by waves of displacement, socio-economic contrasts, and uneven urban development. Originally a small town, Amman’s rapid growth began in the wake of regional conflicts, particularly following the 1948 Nakba and 1967 war, which brought hundreds of thousands of Palestinian refugees. This expansion was largely unplanned, resulting in a divided urban landscape. East Amman developed as a dense, working-class area surrounding refugee camps, while West Amman became more affluent, with organized infrastructure and access to resources.

Today, the city suffers from a severe shortage of public spaces, including green areas, cultural venues, and pedestrian-friendly streets. Although some initiatives have emerged to bridge the social and spatial divide—like the open theater built in 2005 on the slopes of Jabal Amman; such efforts often face challenges from both bureaucratic systems and conservative social norms. Youth in Amman are left navigating these complex dynamics, seeking spaces that support expression, dialogue, and a sense of belonging in a city that remains socially and spatially fragmented.

In this study, 9 interviews, 1 FGD, and several site visits were conducted in Jordan and Amman to get youth perception toward public spaces.

BOLOGNA, ITALY

Also in Bologna, social connections like in Lebanon and in Jordan, are essential to everyday life even if the contradictions and the lack of public spaces continue to be a problem for the city. In the post-war period and until the 1980s, Bologna was considered, compared to other Italian cities, a model of progressive urban government, often cited as an example of “municipal socialism”. The city was administered by left-wing juntas that placed public planning and a solidaristic vision of urban space at the centre. This phase is also remembered for a very advanced management of urban welfare, in which schools, libraries, social and health spaces were thought of as an integrated part of the city’s design. With the end of the First Republic and the crisis of the Italian Communist Party, Bologna also changed. The administrations remained formally “left-wing”, but shifted to more centrist positions, influenced by liberalism and market logic.

Currently, Bologna is still administered by a centre-left coalition, but its urban policy oscillates between promoting citizen participation and neoliberal governance – with the promotion of private investment, luxury student halls of residence, Airbnb and urban tourism, often to the detriment of territorial equity and initiating processes of gentrification that have led to rising prices and the progressive exclusion of the younger and less affluent segments of the population. The city has thus turned into a “window shop”, in which many public places are commercialised or privatised, a city in which the
apparent attention to environmental sustainability (cycle lanes, 30 zones, urban greenery), is less than social sustainability: housing is less and less accessible, and public spaces are subject to rigid rules, “anti-degradation” and security management, controls and “urban decorum”, often experienced as instruments of exclusion, especially by the youngest.

In this study, in Bologna, Seven interviews, One FGD, and several site visits were conducted in Italy, Bologna to get youth perception toward public spaces.

RECOMMENDATIONS

The key to transforming public spaces into more youth-friendly and inclusive environments lies in reimagining how they are managed and who gets to participate in their sustainability. The participants in the study emphasized the need for a more collaborative approach, one that involves local communities, youth organizations, and civil society in the process of revitalizing public spaces. This could take the form of community-driven maintenance initiatives or local governance structures that ensure public spaces are accessible, safe, and inclusive.

“The goal is not just to create spaces for people to meet but to create spaces that people care about and feel responsible for”.

Creating a more inclusive, youth-friendly public space requires addressing the systemic issues of mismanagement, security, and lack of access, while also fostering a sense of ownership among the community. By doing so, public spaces can become dynamic spaces for social interaction, creativity.

1. Recognize Youth as Co-Creators of Space
2. Training youth on different topics and empowering them with skills
3. The activation of public spaces through targeted programming
4. Support Hybrid and Flexible Spaces
5. Institutionalize Youth Governance Models
6. Include Emotional and Cultural Belonging in Spatial Design
7. Foster Transnational Learning and Exchange
8. Include psychological and technological support
9. Prioritize Accessibility and Safety